Olivier Sartenaer's team: Doan Vu Duc, Maxime Hilbert, Charly Mobers, Olivier Sartenaer, Louis Halflants, Andrea Roselli, Gauvain Leconte-Chevillard, Eve-Aline Dubois.

"Several contingent factors enabled the creation of SPiN: the absence of a research structure specifically dedicated to these themes and the almost simultaneous arrival of four young philosophers of science. It's a bit like an alignment of the planets", explains Olivier Sartenaer.

At his side are Juliette Ferry-Danini (Faculty of Computer Science), Thibaut De Meyer (Faculty of Philosophy and Letters) and Gaëlle Pontarotti (Faculty of Science), who form the core of SPiN.

SPiN is part of a research dynamic committed to the heart of contemporary debates.

SPiN researchers explore a wide range of themes, against a backdrop of questioning our relationship to scientific knowledge. These include:

• the relationship between science and pseudoscience;
• reductionism in science;
• genetic determinism and heredity;
• medical ethics and public health (vaccinations, pandemics);
• ethology,
• perspectivism.

This research is carried out by an interdisciplinary team of teacher-researchers, doctoral students and post-docs from the various faculties of UNamur.

SPiN organizes weekly seminars devoted to current research in philosophy of science, as well as seminars linked to more specific themes: health, life sciences, cosmology and theories of emergence and reductionism in the natural sciences.

But SPiN is not limited to the academic sphere: the center intends to take these issues outside the university walls, through events and activities accessible to all. An inaugural event is already planned for next spring on a topical theme: mistrust in science. More info to come!

Democracy is by no means a fixed concept. It is the subject of debate, especially today. Louis Carré, Director of the Department of Philosophy and member of the Espace philosophique de Namur (Institut ESPHIN), proposes a three-dimensional definition: a political regime, a state of law and a way of forming society.

"Etymologically, democracy is a political regime that consists in giving power to the people," he reminds us. "Our Western democracies today are based on the idea that the people are sovereign, without governing directly. From this arises a tension between ideal democracy and real democracy."Vincent Jacquet, professor in the Department of Social, Political and Communication Sciences and president of the Transitions Institute supports the point: "Democracy is an ideal of citizen self-government, but it is in tension with more centralizing, authoritarian logics. [...] Our political systems are crisscrossed by these different tensions, with both authoritarian logics increasingly present, including in our own country, and logics of participation that are sometimes accompanied by a great deal of hope and disappointment too."

The second pillar according to Louis Carré: the rule of law. Democracy guarantees the fundamental rights of all citizens through the constitution. But here again, beware of paradoxes: "One could indeed imagine laws passed by a majority of representatives or by a referendum, but which contravene fundamental rights" the philosopher stresses. Democracy cannot therefore be summed up by the majority principle alone.

Finally, democracy is also a way of forming society. It is based on real pluralism: diversity of opinions, beliefs and values. "This presupposes the existence of a relatively autonomous public space in the face of the power in place, which at times challenges the decisions taken by the governments that have been elected,"insists Louis Carré.

In this context, what is the university's responsibility? Louis Carré begins by reminding us of a simple fact: a large proportion of our elected representatives have passed through university benches. But its teaching mission doesn't stop there. "It's about training enlightened citizens, not just rulers. Universities must offer quality higher education, open to as many people as possible", he asserts.

"Democracy does indeed presuppose citizens capable of debating, reflecting, problematizing issues", adds Sephora Boucenna, Dean of the Faculty of Education and Training Sciences and member of UNamur's Institut de Recherches en Didactiques et Éducation (IRDENA). It's all about training reflective minds, capable of questioning their times.

Universities also train those who, tomorrow, will educate future generations: teachers. And here again, democracy is at stake.

In addition to teaching, universities also have a research and social service mission. It produces knowledge that can enlighten public policy, but also question it. This critical function presupposes real independence from politics. "To analyze democratic mechanisms with lucidity, including those that governments put in place, the university must retain its freedom of research and speech," insists Vincent Jacquet.

This critical function of the university presupposes strong independence. In Belgium, however, university funding is largely a matter for the political authorities. "Celane must not mean being placed under tutelage", warns Louis Carré. "Conducting critical research that doesn't satisfy short-term sponsors requires independence, including in terms of resources. We need a large number of researchers who can analyze different types of dynamics. The more we cut research funding, as is the case today, the fewer researchers we'll have and therefore the less capacity for independent analysis and diversity of perspectives, insists Vincent Jacquet.

The "Université en colère" movement, recently launched within the universities of the Wallonia-Brussels Federation, intends to denounce the effects of definancement. Its representatives are calling for "guarantee the conditions for the development of an open, independent, quality university accessible to the greatest number. Faced with the social, economic and political challenges of our time, and because other choices for society, and therefore budgets, are possible, it is more essential than ever to strengthen the institutions and players at the heart of knowledge production."

Democracy is therefore not limited to elections or institutions. It is based on collective vigilance, carried by citizens, knowledge... and the places where this knowledge is built. In this respect, universities are an essential link in the chain of democratic vitality. Provided it remains independent, accessible and open to society.

"Democracy is not just a matter of institutions. It's about citizens who bring it to life and organize themselves to assert their perspectives at different times", insists Vincent Jacquet. A clear invitation not to remain a spectator, but to participate, with lucidity and exigency, in the construction of a common democratic future.

This article is taken from the "Experts" section of the July 2025 issue of Omalius magazine.

How did women integrate resistance movements during the 40-45 war?

Axel Tixhon: Women were found in resistance networks hiding Jewish children, Allied soldiers and airmen, and political opponents. These people were often housed temporarily before being exfiltrated by escape routes from the occupied territories to Spain and then Great Britain. The hiding networks relied on small family units, hermetically sealed from the outside world, but very open on the inside. Naturally, when a family welcomed someone under its roof, all its members, especially the women, took part. Their involvement was therefore an extension of the traditional role they played at the time.

We also observe profiles of emancipated women. For example, Louise-Marie Danhaive, known for her literary activities before the war, became involved in the underground press. She thus broke away from the traditional role of women. There were also lesser-known personalities such as Juliette Bernard. Involved in a folk group in Fosses-la-Ville before the war, she was to enter the Resistance, mainly in the intelligence sector and helping Communist Party supporters.

Although quite rare, some women also took up arms, like Madeleine Tasset (Andenne), a photo of whom has been found showing her handling a machine gun and wearing secret army garb.

Resistance women have often been invisibilized, how do you explain this?

Bénédicte Rochet: First of all, there are factors specific to the history of Belgian resistance and politics. In the aftermath of the 2nd World War, the government had to deal with thousands of resistance fighters, some of whom were armed, while others were part of the Front de l'indépendance, a predominantly Communist network whose size raised fears of revolution in our country. Churchill and Roosevelt urged the Belgian government to take back the reins of power and maintain order, relying on official police forces and the Belgian army. In this context, the resistance was denigrated and, above all, disarmed.

From November 1944 onwards, resistance fighters demonstrated to gain recognition for their status. These demonstrations were to be swept under the carpet by the government and even the press. Even today, commemorations focus mainly on the army. And when we talk about the Resistance, we pay tribute to those who died during the war.

Many women, moreover, won't apply for status recognition because they don't identify with the military connotation associated with it at the time. What's more, since they often joined the resistance with the whole family unit, it was the father of the family who would submit the application for recognition. All this contributed to the invisibilization of resistance fighters.

A.T.: At the symposium, Ellen De Soete, founder of the Coalition 8 mai, gave a very moving testimony. She explained how her mother, an arrested and tortured resistance fighter, built her whole life on silence. Her ordeal was the consequence of the fact that others had spoken out. It was therefore essential for her to keep silent so as not to endanger her children. If they knew, they too might be tortured. It was only at the end of her life that she began to speak out. Ellen De Soete explained that, as children, their mother forbade them to go out or invite friends to the house. The scars caused by the war often went beyond the individuals themselves to have an impact on the whole family, including subsequent generations. It was this culture of silence that contributed to the invisibility of women resistance fighters.

B.R.: Starting in the 60s and 70s, there was a shift with gender studies. Studies would initially focus on women at work and women's rights, but not at all on their role in wartime contexts. It wasn't until the late 90s and early 2000s, therefore, that history turned its attention to women resistance fighters during the 40-45 war.

At the symposium, you also addressed the relationship between today's far right and gender issues. Women's rights are often undermined by far-right parties, yet in France, Italy and Germany, the leading figures of these parties are women. How can we explain this contradiction?

A.T.: It's hard to answer, as it seems so illogical. It seems more like an opportunistic posture than a desire to make the genders equal in society. The presence of women at the head of far-right movements in Europe is a means of deradicalizing the discourse. We also know that, in the political communication of the far right, there's no shortage of paradoxes. In a way, these parties like to play up the gap between what is expected of political figures and what they say or do. So a woman who makes a speech that's borderline masculinist is acceptable in these parties, whereas it wouldn't be in a traditional party.

B.R.: The political scientists who took part in the symposium also provided an element of response that joins and completes the story. In their platforms, these parties claim to defend women's right to a sense of security. They tell them: you're lucky, you're free and you live in a context of freedom of expression, but you lack physical security. And who puts this security at risk? It's these migrants, these foreigners who rape our women and who are designated as the common enemy. This talk of security can affect some women. Those who joined the Nazi party as early as the 30s, did so with the idea of living in a secure society sheltered from the violence of Communists, Jews, etc.

Did Nazism also rely on great female figures?

B.R.:We only began to look at the women of the Third Reich in the 1990s. Women often played a role as wives. Examples include Magda Goebbels, wife of Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels, or Emmy Sonnemann, wife of Hermann Göring. These women played a role in networking and supporting the regime, organizing dinners and receptions, for example. Jonathan Glazer's recent film, "The Zone of Interest", illustrates this role of women. It focuses on the family of the Auschwitz camp commandant. It shows how his wife establishes a welcoming family climate and thus plays an important role in supporting her husband, even though she knows what's going on in the camp on the other side of his garden wall.

Aside from wives, over 500,000 women enlisted for the Third Reich, as camp guards, nurses and so on. And then there were a few personalities who didn't act as wives. Leni Riefenstahl, for example, made documentary films that supported the party.

A.T.: And these were probably the most effective films of Nazi propaganda!

The Nazi party's program for women has evolved over the years. In the '30s, it was all about keeping women safe. In the 40s, women's role was to produce babies to support the Aryan race. And then, in 43, as the Nazis realized they were losing the war, the cursor moved again: women were then engaged in the war industry.

Memorial work among the general public often focuses on the consequences of Nazism, less on the mechanisms and rhetoric that enabled the Nazis to come to power. Are the methods and rhetoric of the time similar to those of today's far right?

A.T.: Yes, for example in the search for scapegoats and the development of fears. At the symposium, political scientists spoke of "moral panics". Today, the far right insists, for example, on the decline of moral values, pointing the finger at transgender people or people with different sexual preferences. It will insist on the need to transform the social model to return to a traditional one, all the while instilling fear. The instrumentalization of fears is the foundation of the electoral strategy of far-right parties, either by accentuating fears that exist, or by literally giving them birth.

We know that anti-Semitism existed beforehand, but the Nazis attached to it many violent and dehumanizing discourses, to justify the extermination of the Jews. Violence was, from then on, justified by the fact that Jewish, gypsy and homosexual populations were dangerous.

The same pattern can be found today in some of the aggressive rhetoric coming from far-right or, more generally, extremist groupuscules. These speeches could lead some to justify violence similar to that of the 40-45 war against these so-called threats to society.

B.R.: The rhetoric is also similar. Both in the Nazi party and in today's far-right parties, we're faced with tribunes who, like Hitler or Goebbels, love monologues. They give speeches that assert truths and create moral panic. On the other hand, all these tribunes are in trouble when they have to debate ideas.

It's much the same today. In an adversarial debate, Donald Trump will, for example, go into conflict, as he did with President Zelenski. Göring, Hitler and Goebbels did exactly the same thing. Sound archives of the Reichstag fire trial have been found in which Göring can be heard going completely out of his depth when put in contradiction with one of the defendants or one of the lawyers.

So these similarities should alert us to the dangers of today's extreme right?

A.T.: Yes. This is the aim of "Coalition 8 mai", created by Ellen De Soete, who realized that, during commemorations, we perpetuate the same gestures, but have often lost the meaning of them. Today, however, there is every reason to fear that the horrors of 40-45 could be repeated. The association wants to raise public awareness of this danger. That's why it has asked the History Department to organize this symposium.

Copyrights (in order of appearance):

• Louise-Marie Danhaive
• Imprimerie clandestine à Liège, 1944 - © Cegesoma
• Madeleine Tasset - copyright: © Collection M. Tasset, Bibliotheca Andana
• Irma Caldow in Solre-sur-Sambre circa 1943-1944 - © Cegesoma
• The kiss on GI September 1944 - © Cegesoma

Romain Waroquier holds a PhD in History and is a postdoctoral researcher at the Pratiques médiévales de l'écrit (PraME) research center at UNamur. Since 2024, and thanks to the patronage of the public utility foundation Institut Moretus Plantin, he has inventoried, identified and analyzed each of the 214 documents that make up the archive deposited at the BUMP by Count René de Brouchoven de Bergeyck de Namur d'Elzée, whose ancestors were Counts of Namur (before 1421) and Lords of Dhuy (today's commune of Éghezée).

By depositing part of his archives at the BUMP, the Count of Brouchoven de Bergeyck has made an important gesture to the scientific world, which will now be able to exploit them and shed light on certain aspects of the seigniorial history of the Namur region in the Middle Ages.

"Alongside some twenty charters documenting the intra-family transmission of the seigneury (1263-1490), the centerpiece of the collection lies in a book or polyptique foncier, a management document in which descriptions of the lands making up the Dhuy seigneury are recorded. This manuscript was written in two phases, the first in 1417 and the second probably around 1489," continues the medievalist. "This type of document is usually found in the case of large ecclesiastical estates". In the context of a secular seigneury, this polyptych has only one comparable equivalent in the Mosan area, the censier of the seigneury of Jauche, dated 1444 and studied by historian Georges Despy. It is therefore a unique document in the province of Namur, but also extremely rare on a wider scale.

"The document's raison d'être raises questions: it's not a censier, because the description of the seigneury is not based on cens (fee paid to the seigneur by the tenants of a piece of land, Editor's note). So it's not a question of taxation. And the historian goes on to give his hypothesis as to the origin of the manuscript: "the possessions making up the seigneury of Dhuy were brought together at the end of the 14th century by Jean de Namur, the youngest son of Count of Namur Guillaume Ier. The seigneury of Dhuy was his personal possession, over which he bought back all rights and possessions between 1390 and 1392, when he was lord of Wienendaele and Renaix, and not destined to rule. When he became lord of the county in 1418, after the death of his brother William II, without an heir, he probably had the assets of his personal seigneury inventoried to avoid it being confused with that of the county estate". In fact, we note that when the County of Namur was ceded to Philippe le Bon, Duke of Burgundy, in 1421, the seigneury of Dhuy was excluded from the sale. "This is clearly stipulated in the deed of sale of the county. The seigneury is ceded by Jean de Namur as an apanage (portion of domain granted by the lord, as compensation, to a child excluded from the succession of the title, Editor's note), to his natural son Philippe. It is excluded from the sale because it was Jean's possession before he became Count," concludes Romain Waroquier.

The scientific inventory produced by the researcher will shortly be published by Presses Universitaires de Namur. It will provide a detailed overview not only of the medieval part of the collection, but also of its modern and contemporary portions, which consist mainly of wills and marriage agreements (16th-17th centuries), personal documents and a fine epistolary file dating from the Napoleonic period: "This consists of some twenty letters exchanged between the Count and his son, who joined the Empire's army and died during the Spanish War of Independence (a conflict that pitted Spain and its allies against Napoleon I's France between 1808 and 1814, Editor's note)". Several scientific articles will follow, including a critical edition and contextualization of the famous livre foncier mentioned above. The medieval charters will also shortly be digitized and made accessible to the public on the Neptun portal of the Namur university library.

This article was published in the Fond Namur Université newsletter.